Warring States Era: Part 4: Desperate Alliance : 战国 4: 绝境联盟- 六国征秦 [合纵 | 连横]


Music: Shadow 影

For many years, the greatest, ultimate question of this age haunted the scholar. And timelessly he always came back to the same equation. Soon, none of them, none of the remaining kingdom of the Warring States period- will have a chance to live if they do not even the odds. 

But he wasn't just anyone. He had tremendous talents, what's more, an incomparable tongue and far seeing sight. According to some versions, despite having been born a poor scholar and loser, he managed to weld all of the remaining small kingdoms into one sword against this unwanted destiny. Here was the man who talked the remaining 6 kingdoms into making him the Prime Minister of them all. 




He was given robe decorated with the insignia of the six kingdoms. He was given a great seal to draft policies for all 6 against their grave enemy. In that charmed moment, all the major remaining kingdoms of the Central Plains danced to his tune and turned like dutiful gears in his clockwork schemes. All six agreed in unison to decapitate its mortal enemy before it finally reached its critical mass. 

Now only 7 are left. The "Seven Heroes" truly stands next to each other with great suspicion. With all of the small states devoured- save the ceremonial royal domain of Zhou left, it truly became a 7 state battle royale. The great question of the day remained: whether the end game would be at the hands of the small states in fraternal pledges of mutual protection, or the great and the aloof. 

This chapter we will cover the major diplomatic realignment during the mid Warring States period. It will ring the "State" aspect of the Warring States true and gave a geopolitical discourse on the stately interest and conflicts of various parties. Once again, rival philosophies played out against each other through dueling nations. 

At his most brilliant Su Qin persuaded the leaders of the six kingdoms of Qi, Chu, Yan, Han, Zhao and Wei to all unite against the Qin state through the use of his splendid rhetoric and thereafter wore robes decorated with the insignia of the six states. What's more he ensured that 6 united would crush their mortal threat. The rest~ as they say was history.


A MEDITATION ON STATES


Who is greater? A statesman or a general? Looking at the procession of well- remembered fighting men in western history from the likes of Alexander to Hannibal to Napoleon it is easy to correlate that a great dashing master of battles who was able to topple dozens of armies thrown by rival states against them must be greater. However is that assessment really true? Because from the long perspective, each of the figure listed above- despite their resplendent brilliance in battle did not manage to ensure a lasting legacy to passed on their gains to even 1 generation after their own stage exit. Conversely, figures like Augustus and Emperor Wu of Han- who seldom or never led battles in person, were some of the most successful as well as most enduring conquerors. Enduring in that despite not personally acquiring those victories, did manage to make it enduring for centuries across history. It is for these same reason that we must discuss 国 Guo, that is~ "Nation" (or "State") of the Warring States. 

A great ruler and statesman~ even if they are not personally exemplary in battle; at their best could be envisioned as some kind of many- armed Hindu god or guardian spirit. Whereby each of the mighty arms (armies) of the state can be expected to reliably deal gory damage to the enemy. In short, like a conductor of a grand orchestra: the best rulers fight with the full might of all of his generals, while backing them with the full apparatus of the great state. 

Thus was the  state, in all its monstrosity and glory. One is certain to fear and perhaps loath it, but to be without one biased in your favor is to surrender one's ultimate freedom. One only needs to take a look at those unfortunates who were in this very period stripped of that freedom to see what they had lost and would never get back.

MIDGAME ENDS- THE FINAL SCRAMBLE 
Woe to the Vanquished: The Last Free Small States- yellow arrows represents expansionary conquests that annexed the last free small states. It was during this time, the climax of the mid Warring States period that all other smaller states disappeared. What's more, all 7 of the major surviving states nearly had all declared themselves kings by this time and their domains a kingdom. In the west, the energetic Qin would soon annexed the underdeveloped states of Shu and Ba, taking the vast fortunes, fields and resources of the Sichuan Basin for its war machine. 

In the south, Chu relentlessly ravished the weakened Yue and would soon completely take the east cost for their own, turning their ambitions fully northward. The restrengthened Zhao in the north- with the new mass adoption of true cavalry tactics soon became a resounding conquering power and expanded both east and west, crushing the semi- Sinocized state of Zhongshan and penetrating deep into the steppe lands of today's Inner Mongolia. 

Not to be outdone, Chu, Qi, and Wei all scrambled for the last of the ancient states of Lu (by Chu) and in time: Song (by Qi) Very soon, aside from the "7 Heroes" (plus the ceremonial royal domains of Zhou) There are no more other states. When they turn to face each other again, there would no longer be some small border buffer state to gobble, it's just another great power on each of their kingdom's front. Now at each margin of the realm there is a king, and each king a Hegemon in his reach. Perhaps now it is time to ask oneself again, should a strong state be totally feared or even loathed? For what is one's most cherished wishes if they do not have have a kingdom of their own in this grinding of giants?

FROM NOTHING- A HEYSEED'S STORY

Music: Calm of Heaven and Earth

According to Intrigues of the Warring States or Zhan Guo Ce 战国策, around 338 BC, a man of no illustrious name and no personal repute made his way west, after having been unimpressed with what was supposedly the best of his homeland: the court at of Luoyang in the royal domain of Zhou. The young Su Qin came from a poor merchant's family, his home was so poor that their walls were merely a ring of earthen mounds, with a wooden beam for the lintel of the gate, and only ropes for the hinges of that gate. Much of that family's fortune rode on this young cocksure would-be-scholar's expensive date with destiny.

Like Sun Bin from our last chapter. Traditional accounts characterizes Su Qin as a talented disciple of Guigu Zi- or "The Master of Ghost Valley" a mysterious old hermit master who hid in the 鬼谷 "Ghost Valley" and imparted sagely wisdom on statecraft to talented pupils. However this characterization reminiscent of Kungfu movie troupes should not be seriously considered. If the "Master" did exist, it's far more likely that Guigu Zi was an institution, or a series of secluded academies- and Guigu Zi is merely a personification of these schools. Conservatively speaking it is best to simply tally Su Bin as well educated and out to make a name.

However despite Su Qin's personal ambition to seek out employment with the Qin court in the west (only a generation ago talented reformers like Shang Yang was able to come to Qin as a foreigner and be made its Chancellor and radically reform the Qin state and make it a formidable military power in a decade) when Su Qin arrived at Qin he was given a cold reception. 


Unfortunately for Su Qin, he arrived at perhaps the most inopportune time for his ambitions. At this moment, the only recently enthroned king Huiwen of Qin had just usurped Shang Yang from powerr and had him draw and quartered by horses. What's more Huiwen always held personal enmity toward persuasive and talented foreigners like Shang Yang. Not impressed, during Su Qin's stay in Qin he petitioned multiple times to meet with King Huiwen but was rebuffed each time. 


A RETREAT IN SHAME

Eventually, after being repeatedly rejected and sidelined, Su Qin's money ran out and he was not able to continue his stay. He left a defeated shadow of his former self. It was recorded that he left in such a pathetic state that he looked ridiculous. His stay at Qin was so long that he worn out the expensive noble's mink coat he brought with him and it became tattered and pockmarked with holes (expensive and rented, the equivalent of an expensive tuxedo but for royal attendance to look the part of a respectable gentleman) and its sleeves and edges became torn and frayed. 

A Qin dynasty Ji halberdier of the late Warring States era wearing a full suit of armor and heavy helmet. The helmet is reconstructed based on a limestone helmet model excavated from Pit K9801 in the First Emperor's Mausoleum in Xian. By the Warring States era they would have their been made with bronze or iron. The 2 cheek guards are secured together by a knot.

All of the realm's eyes were on Qin and Qi at this time. During the major wars of the central plains the restrengthened Qin in the west and restrengthened Qi in the east had each dealt a shattering blow to the hegemon of the era: Wei. Now Qin rules the west and Qi rules the east and 2 were considered the strongest states of the era.

Beside his thoroughly tattered and ruined mink coat, beneath he did not even wear proper felt shoes but pauper's straw sandals, and on his back he carried a wicker pack of dozens of bamboo scroll books he brought with him (similar to this one which depicts the Chinese Buddhist pilgrim Xuanzang.) On his way, all who passed by saw him as nothing more than a filthy incongruous beggar, and his desperate face was a scowl of misery at his total uselessness. Thus was the the commoner who dreamed that he'd slip in as a gentry, draped in the ruined coat that he was never good enough to have, looking no better than a filthy coolie beggar, carrying a swaying stack of all of his expensive silly books that did him nothing but (literally) weighed him down. He would be treated much worse at home. 


When he returned to his home, his wife saw him return, but seeing his state, did not even acknowledge him and turned back to focus on her needlework, his sister-in-law (and host) when she saw him visit did not even both to cook him anything, and when he saw both of his parents, both did not even bother to speak a single word to him. The cultural context drives Su Qin's frosty reception home, in each of these instances, despite his pathetic circumstances Su should have been treated differently. His wife ought to have welcomed him regardless, his sister-in-law ought to have received him as a proper hostess and brought him something to eat  (which was her duty on both accounts,) and despite his failure, parents ought to have brought him back into the fold with openness like the Prodigal Son. These transgressions both serve to illustrate the extent of Su's failures in their eyes but also the cynical and utilitarian backdrop where Su came from. 


Su Qin thus slipped back to his old impoverished haunt in such state of disgrace. However, still determined to elevate his circumstances and make a name, Su the began to read extensively and copiously. More fanciful accounts recorded that it was during this time in the proverbial nadir of obscurity and failure Su Qin found a lost text from the legendary sage Jiang Ziya (and founding Duke of Qi) on matters of statecraft plus sagely strategies and he ravenously absorbed it. It was also recorded that after Su's return he would study so hard that aside from reading all day he would also try to read all night by candlelight as well, going so far that whenever he was about to doze off he would take out a sharp chisel and stab his leg to keep himself awake. 


These are the only few scenes we have of Su Qin's early biography. But it is here- as he wallows and struggles in his arduous self improvement that we should leave him. Ironically, like Su Qin, one day, his (more accurately his school's) main rival would also emerge from the filth, and from arduous trials and tribulations. 

STAR CROSSED LOSERS


Far to the south, a grievous incident happened in the mansion of an extremely high Chu minister. And according to Sima Qian, happened to one of Su Qin's former classmates. During the great celebratory feast, the host lost a priceless piece of jewelry from his person. Alarmed at this brazen theft, suspicion quickly turned to recriminations, and the ire of the lord soon fell on the only house guest who was not of noble lineage / of humble origins. Despite frenzied protestations, the Chu lord did not believe this bumpkin guest, and then ordered that he be bound and severely beaten by oar- like batons a hundred times to only an inch of his life. But despite this merciless scourging, this hayseed scholar: Zhang Yi, his body nearly broke and and foaming with his own gore, still spitefully asserted his innocence. 


At last, despite weathering through such extraordinary questioning: the jewel was not found on his person, and the Chu lord let the broken Zhang go home. According to Sima Qian in his Shiji- the bloodied Zhang Yi then went home to his despondent wife. Zhang Yi only made a simple request of her and asked her to check if his tongue was still in tact. When she answered yes, Zhang then swore to her that as long as his tongue skill exists, that's enough. Little did he know then, that he would one day become the Prime Minister of Qin, and his tongue would lay the foundation for Chu's next century of ruin and ultimate annihilation. 


Zhang Yi would become one of the main pillars of the School of Horizontal Alliances- the main detractor and rival of Su Qin's School. Thus was the contrast of these 2 star crossed losers in their larval days, scorned, overlooked, and wallowing in their own obscurity, but only able to rise to their titanic future heights with only the gift of their gifted tongue- which neither poverty nor misfortune could rob from them- and parry blows with entire nations. That is- at least according to Sima Qian. In this version, Su Qin would one day lobby 6 of the smaller kingdom into a mighty anti- Qin coalition and then in order to astro- turf the Qin's ruin from within and rig their fall, he would place his old acquittance Zhang Yi into Qin as a Manchurian candidate. However going forward, this version should be discredited. 

There is great amount of conflict in the sources regarding Su Qin, Zhang Yi, and the biography of one Gongsun Yan. Intrigues of the Warring States 战国策 and Sima Qian juxtaposed Su Qin and Zhang Yi as great rivals- a similar paring as that of Sun Bin and Pang Juan from the previous chapter. In this version Su and Zhang began as former classmates and would one day wield rival kingdoms to play out their theories against the other. However since 1973, new archeological discoveries such as new chapters from Records of the Vertical and Horizontal Alliance Schools 战国纵横家书 uncovered from Han era Mawangdui tombs (silk slip chapters) have put this traditional narrative to doubt. 1. Su Qin's biography mirrors that of another- earlier figure named Gongsun Yan who made himself the ministers of 5 states and was a major force of Vertical Alliance. 

In terms of eras: Gongsun Yan and Zhang Yi were much more of contemporaries (and rivals) than Zhang Yi and Su Qin. 2. Zhang Yi's era and actions suggested he died earlier before Su Qin came to his prime and their main period of activities are separated by some 30 years. Thus: the conservative basis before we go forth is that: Su Qin and Zhang might not have much personal ploys against each other, it might better to think of "their" conflict as being one of their competing schools rather than a personal rivalry. A detailed examination of how rival philosophical schools personalized into Great larger than life founders could be found here. 

DULING SCHOOLS- VERTICAL INTEGRATION AND HORIZONTAL CONNECTION


Sima Qian's traditional narrative casted Su Qin and Zhang Yi as star-crossed rivals and main movers of the age against each other (in another sort of Sun Bin/ Pang Juan dichotomy, half personal rivalry, half opposing geopolitical forces.) However, as previously stated, recent archeological discoveries have dismantled this personal rivalry aspect. 

Moving forward, the clash should be mostly thought of as one of opposing schools. 1. The Vertical Alliance, and 2. The Horizontal Alliance. And Su Qin and Zhang Yi- instead of neck and neck rivals with personal history, should instead be thought of more as exemplars of opposing philosophies.

Music: Ambushed from All Sides

Don't let their story be reduced to dramatized anecdotes created by Sima Qian sockpuppeting them into quaint moralizing snippets- instead, honor their schools of thought instead. And the best way we honor their hard works and calculations, is by looking at the same political chessboard as they did. Without further ado, the 2 competing alliances.


The 2 schools were 2 very different answers to what the ending of the Warring States period will look like. When most of the smaller states have been devoured and only 7 great kingdoms remained, one began to question what the end game of the Warring States will be. Will it be the vertical or the horizontal axis?


"Vertical" and "Horizontal" are not abstractions but "vertical" states (north to south axis of China, most of the 3 former Jin states of Zhao, Wei, Han, plus Yan and Chu) as opposed to the "horizontal" states of either Qin in the west or Qi in the east plus any nations they deem fit to befriend. Qin and Qi at the time were 2 of the strongest kingdoms, the "Vertical and Horizontal Alliances" asks whether the future will belong to a coalition of mutually supporting small states who can hold their own and fend off larger threats together- and let the vertical belt dictate the future, or should the future belong to the great states like Qin and Qi on the east and west.

合纵 VERTICAL ALLIANCE: MUTUAL SURVIVAL


Coalitions have never been new to this age as great coalitions were formed between lords as soon as Zhou royal power imploded in the early Spring and Autumn era. However once most of the smaller states all disappeared and only 7 great powers remained, the specter of long total war that could last for generations and cause death in millions became an ever more likely reality. Faced with this dreaded reality, the school of Hé zòng 合纵 "Vertical Integration" emerged. The broad term of "School" in this case also included lobbying factions and sympathetic rulers who believes in this political direction. Vertical Integration/ Vertical Alliance seek to rope the remaining vulnerable small states into one unbreakable alliance, with the aid of at least 1 or 2 great powers (either Qin or Qi or Chu) then establish a mutually protective bloc that would be too powerful to challenge, and too well united to be toppled by any single great power's military aggression.  

Because most of the states involved are small in size, cooperation, integration are essential for their mutual survival. In fact, this was the recipe of the early success of Wei in the early Warring States period under Marquis Wen and Wu when it reined in Zhao and Han for common purposes. It should be kept in mind this alliance was not designed to be passive and solely defensive either, as the goal of such coalitions is to check and balance nearby great powers. The great Legalist Han Fei referred to these as "Weak Weak Alliances"

This template isn't exactly new, in prior centuries, the great state of Jin once riveted much of the Zhou north (of the Yellow River) into a great Hegemonic coalition that checked Chu expansion for centuries, and when Jin then split into the 3 states of Zhao, Wei, and Han, during Wei's bid for power its early astute rulers were keen to ally with both Zhao and Han and have all 3 turn their attention toward outside threats. When they work together, despite their small sizes they were able to repel much greater foes, so much so that Wei then became a proactive power that stole land from both Qin and Qi. Neither is this form of diplomacy purely defensive nor passive. As Wei in the early Warring States demonstrated, even as 3 small states, the 3 Jins (when aligned) can turn a dangerous position being in the middle of great powers into a proactive staging point for expansion in all directions. 

连横 HORIZONTAL ALLIANCE: THE STRONG DO WHAT THEY CAN


Lián Héng 连横 or "Horizontal Connection" is an opposing school that believed the opposite. Rather than believing that the future of the Warring States world would lie in a north- south axis and led by a coalition of mutually reinforcing smaller states, instead the believers of the Horizontal Alliance school- as their names suggested, believed that the future lies in either Qin or Qi (horizontal from the west to east) and that late game of the Warring States lies in either one of them + any states they find useful to rope along. 


Horizontal Alliance further encouraged that either Qin or Qi should align with each other- the other great state from afar and take advantage of the weaker small states in the Central Plains. Because the state this philosophy support is strong already, there's much less requirement for complicated binding alliances and coordination between several kingdom's armies. The strong do what they can and the weak suffer what they must. Han Fei referred to these as "Strong Strong Alliances" and instances of Strong aligning with a weaker subordinate power as "Weak Strong Alliances."

Sins of the Father (and many many grand and grand grandfathers): In a way Lián Héng has been the business of the day for several centuries already. And if one is doubtful of its success, just look at the result of it. By the mid Warring States period, the only remaining states are great states. Great strong states that over the long march of centuries had vassalized, subjugated or brutally annexed the nearby smaller states. 

WAR OF KINGDOMS: COALITIONS & BLOW OF KINGS


In the traditional Sima Qian and Intrigues of the Warring States  战国策 version, after his sojourn back in his hovel home- and after Zhang Yi's unjust scourging, the 2 would then set out to become 2 of the most powerful movers and shapers of their age. Su Qin would become a great minister in Yan and would went on to canvas the rest of the 6 kingdoms together, while Zhang Yi would find his high destiny in Qin and become its Chancellor, protecting it during this period of Qin's darkest peril. But as stated before- because of the recent archeological discoveries- discoveries that Zhang Yi lived and was in prominence long before Su Qin rose to his height, going forth we shall discontinue this framing. 

Instead we shall cover a contention between 2 Schools. Schools that debated through warring kingdoms. Of trends and rhymes where heroes emerge and reemerge to take up the same gory fight.

Instead, we shall cover the great wars and rivalries from the position of the School of Vertical Alliance vs School of the Horizontal Alliance. With the sources mainly from Records of the Vertical and Horizontal Alliance Schools of Thought 战国纵横家书 and cover great figures such as Gongsun Yan, Zhang Yi, and Su Qin in their respective historical contexts. Rest assured, although what follows will not be one of *Personal duel between Great men (capitalized G), there's actually much more nuance to savor from this new and more historically accurate revision. 

A STAR CROSSED RIVALRY IN QIN

Of the main proponents of the Vertical Alliance, chronologically Gongsun Yan was the first great shaper of this era. Bearing the moniker of Xishou 犀首, or "Rhinoceros Head." A capable military general as well as philosopher and diplomat, he cared greatly about balance of the kingdoms. Mencius recorded a famous scholar named Jingchun described Gongsun Yan and Zhang Yi as 2 supremely talented heroes of this world, and 一怒而诸侯惧 "If they should rouse to anger (against the other)- all the lords will be afraid," but 安居而天下熄 "if they are at peace (with each other)- all under Heaven will know peace."



Gongsun Yan- a native of Wei and strong believer of the Vertical Alliance eventually rose to great prominence in Qin. Despite his great position within Qin he was concerned about the fate of his native Wei in the Central Plains. After Shang Yang's rise and Qin and Qi's emergence (at great expanse of Wei- and where Yan himself had served as an able general for his Qin host) Gongsun Yan still wanted a mutualist relationship between Qin (his kingdom of employment) and also Wei. A realist at heart, he viewed lopsided imbalance of power as a chasm for endless hellish war, and believed that the best way to guarantee peace between the states is balance of power and concert in unison. However his position at Qin was greatly threatened by a newcomer- Zhang Yi. 

If we go by a syncretic melding of Zhang's biography and includes his characterization from "Record of the Grand Historian" and "Intrigues of the Warring States" this was after Zhang was brutally scourged by the Chu high minister. 

However, although both Gongsun Yan and Zhang Yi were natives born form Wei, they held radically opposing views. Zhang was a strong believer in the opposing Horizontal Alliance School and encouraged that Qin's King Huiwen should greatly strengthen Qin, and when it comes to a possible war expanding Qin reach beyond the Hangu Pass in its eastern extreme border and breach into the Central States (like Wei, Zhao, and Han) Qin should feel absolutely free to annex those territories at Wei, Han, and Zhao's expense. Alarmed, Gongsun Yan fiercely protested these advices and the two bitterly argued before King Huiwen. But because Zhang's position faned King Huiwen's innate expansionary ambitions, Gongsun Yan was sidelined, and then, after much of his power was stripped, eventually he retired from Qin- calculating that he was in a dead end inside Qin but his power and vision may be used elsewhere. 


Though scorned, Gongsu Yan would then embarked on a dramatic series of overtures that would mold many of the remaining small states together against Qin's expansionary ambitions. He returned to his native state of Wei where he was given a position as an official. However, strange footsteps followed in his wake. For only a few short years later in 321 BC, Zhang Yi showed up at Wei, apparently having been stripped of his position in Qin and sought employment. By this point Zhang was known far and wide as a capable scholar and minister and the Wei king soon elevated Zhang to a high position in the Wei court.

WEI AND THE CENTRAL PLAINS QUESTION


"Fool me once~" as the saying goes. The King in Wei at this moment should be quite familiar with us, for he was none other than King Hui. He was the sovereign who turned down Shang Yang's talent and had Shang Yang leaving for employment (and stardom in Qin,) he was also the sovereign who had Sun Bin (supposed descendant of Sun Tzu) in Wei's employment but had him crippled because of alleged treason charges and had him ran to Qi for sanctuary. He is the classic example of a middling hero who lived so long to see everything undone in his life time and his reputation and inheritance ruined. His long life of 81 years and reign of 50 years came at great expense to Wei's fortunes. 


When he assumed the Wei mantle Wei was still the proactive hegemon of the Central Plains, it actively sought out talents from across the realm and even when caught flatfooted in battle could resoundly match their foes in blows. However he was the ruler who presided Wei's dramatic fall from power. The 2 figures who originally were employed right under Wei's roof- Shang Yang and Sun Bin would become instrumental in Qin and Qi's respective rejuvenation + military prowess, little more than a decade after each had left Wei, Shang Yang and Sun Bin would come back at the head of 2 respective armies to both Wei's east (Qi) and west (Qin). 



In the first great Central Plain's war, despite being caught flatfooted, Wei repelled the invaders and stood its ground- with the help of legendary units such as the Wei Wuzu. However, a decade later, Shang Yang and Sun Bin again attacked Wei, this time Wei suffered 2 catastrophic defeats in both east and west, in the battle of Maling in 342 BC against Qi the entire Wei army was annihilated. Shang Yang then crushed the Wei army in the west and took the Hexi Corridor. After this double calamity- Wei became only a middling power. Wei eventually was made into a junior partner of Qi- in 334 BC with the Qi and Wei rulers (Duke and Marquis respectively) recognizing each other as kings. Soon after other states began to follow too. At this time Wei's main attention was directed westward against Qin. However, even with this stance of alarm, King Hui would host the THIRD major talent that would stomp on his kingdom right under his very roof. Zhang Yi did not came as a victim, he came as a mole.


When Zhang Yi was promoted to a high position in Wei, Gongsun Yan did not have any illusions that Zhang came as Qin's eyes and ears- and now limbs inside Wei too. However Gongsun Yan treated Zhang kindly. And an instance in Intrigues of the Warring States recorded that when Zhang was assigned to a diplomatic mission east to Qi, before his departure, Gongsun Yan hosted an enormous lavish feast  ceremony bidding good fortunes for Zhang's trip and his victorious return. 


Unfortunately for Zhang, when he arrived at Qi he understood why Gongsun Yan was being so publicly gracious. For Gongsun Yan himself came with major baggage. Qi hated Gongsun Yan and blamed him for a number of Wei wrongs against Qi in the past. With this very public fraternization with Zhang, when Zhang arrived in Qi by association Qi believed that Zhang was a friend and proxy of Gongsun Yan. Zhang thus received the unwarranted hate that was due for Gongsun Yan and became his sin eater in Qi. His mission was a failure and nothing was realized. With one elegant banquet, Gongsun Yan had made his enemy hate his enemy.

Tripolar World: Although there's definitely the personal satisfaction angle, Gongsun Yan's actions also had immense geopolitical reasonings. Simply put, Qin (black,) Qi (red,) and Chu (green,) were the 3 major poles of this age and Qin and Chu both had an army around 1,000,000 strong. Caught directly in the middle of the 3 great powers, Wei's fortunes would be met with disaster if Zhang (in reality here to do Qin's bidding) would succeed and form any kind of connections in Qi that he could one day be tapped for Qin's expansionary benefit. As someone entrusted to protect Wei, the worst nightmare would be if Qin, Qi and Chu began to align with each other to jointly partition the small Central Plains states. However with this jockeying of the mighty there lies a hidden pole, a 4th pole if Gongsun Yan could put to great use: the Central Plain states if they could unite as 1 pole (blue.)

GONGSUN YAN HELPED TO USHER THE AGE OF KINGS

To weld the remaining small states (around Wei) Gongsun Yan then made major history. As discussed before. When Wei was humbled in the major 2 front war a generation ago- the reason it survived was because the Qi Duke thereafter arranged a special concession with the then Marquis Hui of Wei to jointly declare each other as Kings. 

Rare Warring States period jade pendant depicting 2 long sleeved dancers. The joint recognition of kingship owed to the logic that the realm could only have 1 King from the royal Jia clan of Zhou,) though other semi- Sinicized states like Chu, Wu and Yue have side stepped this restriction with (unofficial) kings not recognized by the Zhou court, only a King can enfeoff a noble or elevate them to a higher rank. In order for feudal lords from the Zhou heartland to do this- and skirt the fact that only the Zhou King was technically given the Mandate of Heaven and consecrated by Heaven's blessing, the solution is that the then Duke of Qi and the Marquis of Wei recognize each other jointly as Kings. 


This plan worked and both rose as Kings and turned their states into kingdoms. This way also guarantied Wei would have a more stabilized front with Qi, albeit as a subordinate partner. Taking inspiration from this precedence, Gongsun Yan then encouraged Wei to proactively rope in all of the nearby small states by affirming their own ambitions. In 323 BC, the rulers of the 5 small Central Plains kingdoms- Yan, Han, Wei, Zhao, and the semi- Sinicized state of Zhongshan gathered and each recognized each other as kings. Just like his ploy to undermine Zhang Yi before, this time Gongsun Yan's solution was also very simple and elegant. 


With one stroke, most of the remaining small kingdoms- kingdoms that he fully had intention to make them band together anyway- now voluntarily sought out each other for affirmation, legitimacy, and support. His grand plan of Vertical Alliance was taking shape. 


This concert of small states did provoke a response however, and that was the nervous enmity from the nearby great powers. Angered by the pretentiousness of these self minted kings Qin, Qi, and Chu treated the central states coldly and told them they do not have the legitimacy for such a move. Furthermore, to demonstrated their ability to overmatch these newly minted kings, Chu invaded Wei from the south and conquered 8 walled cities. This overreaction- however, was also what Gongsun Yan wanted. Now the central states were deeply alarmed and sought protection from their co- affirming neighbors. What's more in each of the 2 steps (now they think alike) and victimization (now they fear alike,) Gongsun Yan made the central states proactive players for their own self preservation.

BROTHERS' KEEPERS- THE CENTRAL PLAINS STAND TOGETHER


As if to prove Gongsun's points true, soon after Chu's brazen overreach, another would try to brute force through the Central Plains. In 320 BC, Qin, under the banner of wanting to invade Qi to the far east requested Wei and Han at sword point to give Qin military access and allow the Qin legions to pass unobstructed through each kingdom. However, Gongsun- by this point long knew Qin's real objective is to conquer both Wei and Han, then thereafter move on to Qi, warned Qi about this. The Qi leadership realized the merit of his argument and allowed Han and Wei to resoundly turn their full attention to Qin. Both Wei and Han rebuffed Qin's demands and Qin invaded Wei and Han in full force. But Qin met with disaster, and at Guanze 观泽 the Han- Wei allies annihilated the Qin army. Guanze became a major object lesson that lend credence to Gongsun Yan's position of a Vertically Aligned Central Plain bloc. In 319 BC, the king of Wei demoted Zhang Yi and made Gongsun Yan Chancellor.

TO CHAIN THE BEAST-  GHOST OF HANGU PASS 

The treacherous Hangu Pass served as Qin's most vital eastern pass. The twisting mountains around here are so forbidding and narrow that at certain choke points only 1 person or 1 chariot could pass through at a time. However, Qin never expected that 5 kingdoms would conspire to crash into this gate to decapitate it in unison. 



Qin's defeat in 320 BC demonstrated a key weakness of the Horizontal Alliance school (strong does as they will) in that if a state is not strong enough during times of proving and was seriously checked in it's ambitions, then its credibility based on brute force and threat of its hefty weight will take a major hit. Worse for Qin, Qin's humiliation turned to opportunity for Gongsun Yan and he was able to use the shadow of Qin to stitch together almost all of the none- Qin states except Qi into an anti- Qin alliance (Yan, Wei, Zhao, Han, and now Chu- which, owing to its raw military might became the leader of the coalition.) The alliance swore oaths to heaven, began a general muster and drilled for campaign, and swore to turn their armies against Qin in the west. 


Arriving near Hangu Pass in 317 BC, with Gongsun Yan as its head, he ordered the armies to encamp for battle but not attack the well entrenched Qin defenders before his order. At this time he was awarded the right to use the seal of all 5 kingdom's Chancellors and was empowered to make decision on the field. Gongsun Yan realized timing is crucial for the force to breach through this disadvantageous choke point and Qin has a strong hand in repelling the coalition army. Furthermore if there's any slipups, the coalition's army, unused to operating with each other might rout and have the rout turn into a collapse. The next major reason for Gongsun Yan's hesitation was his deliberate patience. For he had long been angling a blade behind the Qin defender's backs. 

Traditionally to Qin's north and west, there were many fierce barbarian tribes called the Rong- with the most notable among them- the Quanrong responsible for killing the Western Zhou king and forcing Zhou capital to relocate to Luoyang. For centuries Qin had been hammered by countless Rong attacks and several tribes of Rong even forked from the steppe lands to raid into the Central Plains. Fiercely tenacious and excellent charioteers, Rong attacks were so nightmarish that even states like Yan- which sits on the Liaodong Peninsula beside modern Korea and part of modern Shandong in the far east were hammered by Rong raids in the early Spring and Autumn period. Qin eventually annexed and destroyed most of the Rong tribes, however, a major tribe still remained active and dangerous to Qin's northwest, the Yiqu.



Before marching against Qin. Gongsun Yan had already sent envoys to the Yiqu and made the case to the Chieftain there. Qin anticipated this and to placate the Yiqu sent vast amount of gold and silver, along with silk brocades and many beautiful women (Qin was renowned for their beautiful women.) Though enamored, the Yiqu Chieftain was not beguiled, and realized that Qin was an existential threat to his state. Once Qin was done with the east it will surely have no reason not to destroy Yiqu. Therefore the Chieftain feigned friendship, then during a decisive moment launched a major invasion that crashed into Qin from the north.

Music: Bleeding Earth

The Yiqu assault was merciless and they won a resounding victory in the north at Libo. Despite this first successful gambit, this did not affect the Qin garrison at the Hangu Pass. Furthermore, there were also complications in Gongsun Yan's alliance. Because of the northeastern state of Yan's vast distance from Qin and thereby virtually never been truly threatened by it, its contribution to the soldiers and war effort was low. Another was the nominal leader of the alliance: Chu. 

Bottom: Gold inscriptions on bronze in the shape of bamboo, issued by King Huai of Chu to a vassal king under his rule. King Huai at this time was the head of the 5 kingdom alliance but Chu's contributions in the war effort was very marginal. Chu in the previous several centuries had a reliable relationship with Qin, and did not see Qin as an existential threat. During the Spring and Autumn era Chu and Qin formed a stable alliance that lasted for centuries, and during critical times- as when the kingdom of Wu under the tenure of Wu Zixu sacked the Chu capital and the Chu king took flight from his kingdom, it was Qin that took Chu back from Wu and gave Chu sovereignty back. 


As such, much of this 5 kingdom alliance was mainly manned and propped up by the states of Wei, Han, and Zhao (the 3 Jins.) When it was time to commit to major battle against entrenched Qin positions, Qin held on and soaked up the coalition blows in good order. Then the Qin counterattacked. 

Music: "Ancient Song of the Qin People" (The Qin Empire series)


The counterattack proved deadly and blew the alliance from the field. Despite this rout, it was not a deal breaker. Initial planning by the alliance had incorporated a plan to lure the Qin out of their strong position- out of the Hangu Pass so that then the overextended Qin forces could be lured into the open flat terrains of the Central Plains (home of Wei, Han, and Zhao where they were previously defeated) and have the Qin army attacked from multiple directions.


What they did not anticipate, however, was the extreme ferocity of the Qin pursuit. Even exposed and caught in the open wheat plains of Xiuyu in what is today's northern Henan, the Qin assault overawed the armies of Wei, Zhao, and Han and crushed the coalition army. The defeat was so staggering that the coalition lost more than 80,000 who were then decapitated and several of the coalition's commanders were captured and beheaded. 



A prodigious harvest of heads: Simply put Qin at this time had the best military in all of the 7 kingdoms. Raised as a military frontier that endured centuries of barbarian invasions it had long been a warrior culture. After being humbled by Wei in the beginning of the Warring States period it aggressively reformed its economy and military under Shang Yang and emerged a highly meritocratic society. Nearly all of its ranks, both military and civilian are highly meritocratic and without class distinction, its economy was both privatized and statist, and it had an extensive system of forges and armories. It's officers are promoted through merit alone and its soldiers are promoted and paid high bonuses based on the enemies they kill (heads.) Of the many elite warrior units of the Warring States era, Xunzi, the 3rd great Confucian scholar who lived in the tail end of the age remarked Wei Wuzu "Wei Martial Troops" is greater than Qi Jiji "Qi Assault Warriors," however Qin elites are better than all. The term Qin elite is a general term.
Unfortunately for Gongsun Yan the great alliance unraveled here, and the 5 kingdoms departed in separate ways. It was also here that his own limelight ended. We do not know of Gongsun Yan's end and here is where his biography reached its end. One can, however conservatively imagine a great impulse of disappointment. Though in the future, another great advocate of the Vertical Alliance- Su Qin would one day retrace Gongsun Yan's steps and tried to stich together this riven realm and be voted the Chancellor over them all will take up the same fight against Qin. But for now, the next era belonged to Gongsun Yan's rival. 


THE BLINDING OF CHU: QIN SEIZES THE EARLY GAME

Zhang repeatedly negotiated with Han, Zhao, Wei, Chu, Yan and Qi, thereby destroying their relationships with his horizontal alliances.

Music: The Southern Tribes

To Gongsun Yan's despair, and to the Horizontal school's adulation, it was in the wake of Qin's crushing of the coalition army that it reached a major critical mass. Having blunted the Central Plains coalition in the bottleneck at Hangu Pass and thoroughly overawed them all on the field, Qin was freed to turn it's covetous eyes to its other fronts. Only 1 year later, Qin turned it's attention southward and swiftly annex both the kingdom of Ba and Shu to its south, taking the entirety of the Sichuan Basin for themselves. To highlight the level of Qin tenacity and ingenuity- Qin constructed an extensive series of gallery roads highways (heavy wooden beams drilled into the tall cliffside with a bridge like planked gallery on top) along the jagged cloudy cliffsides of the Basin and allowed for the transportation of Qin legions and extensive supplies for deep campaigns. 



Middle Art by: Forky Xu

Rapid Qin expansion in 316. After overawing the great coalition at Hangu Pass and Xiuyu, Qin turned to all of its other troubled fronts. Using ploy and deep penetration Qin swiftly defeated the partially- Sinicized states of Ba and Shu to it's south. Then, turning its grudge filled eyes north, it looked to the Yiqu, which roamed in the flank of the strip of Hexi Corridor that Qin a generation ago won back from Wei a under Shang Yang's guidance.


In the blink of an eye, King Huiwen had nearly trippled the size of the Qin domains. What's more, the rich fertile fields and minerals greatly augmented Qin coffers, fueling its already bristling ambitions and thirst to avenge its past injuries. Decisively, Qin then threw it's full weight north and launched themselves against the barbarian Yiqu. Yiqu was grievously destroyed on the battlefield and its leadership desperately sued for peace and ceded twenty-five cities to Qin in 315 BC. In just 2 years after Hangu- Qin had reached a level that none could seriously contend with on an equal footing. Which~ for long visioned plotters like King Huiwen and Zhang Yi only meant that it will soon be inevitable that trouble, brewing, coalescing trouble would erupt again from the east. An even larger, more desperate, more committed coalition seeking Qin's death. 

To forestall this lopsided possibility, and to forestall the prospect of Qin facing itself alone against the rest, King Huiwen sent his ace card: Zhang Yi. Zhang Yi would be sent to the place of his bitter scourging, the itinerary which earned him 100 unjust baton blows: Chu. There he would do his utmost to turn Chu to Qin's favor. And despite all the odds against him, he would deliver a hell of a miracle to the house of Ying. 

UNRAVELLING THE QI CHU ALLIANCE 

Despite Zhang Yi's brutal scourging (at least according to Intrigues of the Warring States and Sima Qian) when Zhang arrived in Chu he was personally welcomed by none other than the Chu king himself. He treated Zhang with perfect cordiality and lavishly hosted Zhang in all manners (he was also not in power during the Zhang's previous itinerary and scourging.)


Chu at this time was led by the ambitious King Huai (to avoid confusion with King Huiwen of Qin we shall refer to him mostly as the King of Chu or the Chu King,) When the anti- Qin alliance was consecrated, Chu was persuaded into the fray and was the wild card that could have pivoted the conflict. What's more, being the greatest (without Qi in that alliance) it was also made it's leader. However Qin detected a distinct strain of vacillation on the part of Chu. 

Inter Horizontal Rivalry: Chu both vacillated with fully supporting the alliance, and, after the alliance was resoundly defeated on the battlefield (with most of the 3 Jins getting the lopsided brunt of the casualty) quickly abandoned the Central Plains states. In 314 BC, civil war broke out in Yan. King Xuan of Qi- one of the most dynamic sovereigns in the east attacked Yan and murdered the King of Yan. Seeing opportunity, this was why Chu immediately allied with Qi. In a sense, Chu was playing its own game of Horizontal Alliances- but this extremely formidable South/ East axis was rigged against Qin in the west. 



But it's not all indecision on Chu's part, it was during these decades Chu turned its full might to the east in its assaults against the kingdom of Yue (yellow arrow) and this war of annexation was a key point of interest for Chu expansion in this era. It also ensured that despite now sharing a vast shared border with Qin it cannot afford to also antagonize Qin. It would be in Qin's vital interest to keep Chu preoccupied in the east. And this was precisely why Zhang Yi was chosen.


Despite his host's enormous generosity, the clever Zhang quickly noticed several foibles in his gracious host. The Chu king was very weak for beautiful women and was easily besotted with beautiful dancing girls and concubines (since ancient times there is also a troupe of the debauched Chu monarchs coveting great beauties- which results in great disorders.) The 2nd Chu king was known to have brazenly committed a shocking taboo to a small nearby state during a state visit, when he was struck by the beauty of his gracious host lord's wife he immediately annexed his host's state and took both her and the usurped state for himself. 

Another instance happened in the Spring and Autumn era where the Chu king was enamored with a beautiful Qin princess meant for his crown prince. Instead, the Chu king- despite furious protest of his learned minister, took her for himself. It caused a realm-wide scandal, then, fearing from his robbed son and the learned minister (who was the crown prince's tutor,) he was encouraged by an opportunistic courtier to murder them both. He then tried to arrest the crown prince (prompting him to take flight) and slaughtered the learned minister's family. That slain minister's son was none other than the dynamic Wu Zixu, and would one day become the Chancellor of Wu and wreck savage revenge on Chu- sacking its capital and desecrating the tomb of the very fatuous Chu king who slew his family. Luckily for Zhang Yi's real plans, Qin historically was well known for its beautiful women.

Music: Plan of Attack

THE PLOY OF THE FATEFUL TONGUE 

Zhang Yi immediately began working to undermine the existing alliance between Chu and Qi with the goal of turning Chu to Qin's side. His first audiences with the Chu king began confidently. Zhang played up on the shared historical friendship between the 2 states. In centuries past, Qin and Chu had often allied with each other creating a south/ west bloc. Often if either was threated by the then hegemon of Jin, both would join together to check Jin overreach. Qin also rescued Chu during its darkest hour. Though in the recent generations past, there had been occasional blows between the 2 states- which resulted in the loss of some Chu cities to the west. Zhang Yi told the Chu king that Qin had intention to remedy this past wrong. Piqued, the Chu king continued his discourse with Zhang. 


Through Zhang Yi, Qin then presented the Chu king with dozens of beautiful women. The Chu king was greatly smitten by this and became more amenable to Qin diplomacy. At last, Zhang Yi presented something that would be impossible for King Huai to refuse. In 312 BC Zhang promised that that if Huai could end his alliance with Qi, Qin would then gave 600 li of land that Qin had previously captured from Chu back. Faced with such an irresistible gambit, what's more without the need for a single drop of bloodshed- the excited Chu king immediately agreed. 

THE QI CHU ALLIANCE TORN TO PIECES

However his official Chen Zhen's suspected treachery and furiously protested this. Chu broke off the alliance dramatically, with Huai sending a brave who went up to the front of the Qi king in court and insulted him personally to his face. Disgusted, Qi broke off the alliance and Chu then requested that Zhang deliver what he promised. Zhang then agreed to seal the deal with a Chu emissary when they return to Qin. 


However inside Qin something strange happened. When the 2 were getting off from their carriages, Zhang collapsed from his end of his carriage and began to hiss and yelp bitterly. When the worried emissary rushed over to see what had happened, Zhang explained that the leap off the carriage had broke his knees. Because of this, the signing ceremony was shuttered. Weeks, then months would drag by and the Chu emissary became very impatient. When he beseeched the situation in an audience to King Huiwen of Qin he simply responded that he did not know the particular details of the 2 side's arrangement in the document, because the entire project was Zhang Yi's and only he himself knew it to the last detail the Qin king deferred it back to Zhang. 

A CRUEL KNIFE FOR CHU

In reality, neither Zhang Yi nor King Huiwen had any intention of honoring this agreement, and Zhang's "wound" was but a delaying ploy served to leave Chu in the dark and the now vexed kingdom isolated. 

When at last, after several months Zhang Yi finally met with the emissary, to the horror of the emissary Zhang revealed that instead of giving Chu 600 li along the boarders, instead, Zhang Yi would offer only 6 (six) li from his own personal fief to Chu. Predicably, the emissary was outraged and furiously raced back to Chu, and provoked the full wrath from king Huai. Chu then mustered its military and raced to attack Qin in the borderlands. However this too, was what Qin had expected. 


When the Chu sledge hammer raced to the western passes Qin army was already lying in wait and well prepared for their host- having already been drilling for months for this battle. The result was a crushing calamity for Chu. The Chu army was resoundly defeated in two separate massive battles. At Danyang Chu suffering over 80,000 losses beheaded (and the capture of some 70 Chu generals) but King Huai was still furious and would not acknowledge his defeat, he promptly sent another royal army and it too was crushed at Lantian. The Qin army had now breached into the Chu heartlands, no Chu army now stands between them.


The twin battles of Danyang and Lantian was a catastrophic loss for Chu. Having been cruelly deceived and intentionally provoked into rash anger, the Chu army was defeated twice and the ensuing losses resulted in the loss of the Chu heartland- ironically now it was Chu which MUST GIVE 600 Li of its own ancestral heartland- the basin where Chu was first consecrated 8 centuries ago to Qin to sue for peace. 


Though in prestige it was an immense loss of face, in territory and economic output a critical one, perhaps most decisively Chu lost the vital pivotal initiative that would have guaranteed its long term safety and sovereignty. Because of Zhang Yi, Chu lost the critical initiative in the end game of this murderous age, and it would never regain these lands from which it was born. 

For Zhang Yi, if we go by the version characterized by Intrigue of the Warring States, he had exacted his cruel revenge on Chu in the hundreds folds. For the next century, Chu would be constantly at the receiving end of brutal Qin blows, and the death of Chu populace would soar in the millions- all the way until the vanquishing of Chu as a state. With his tongue alone, he had talked Chu into severing its own limbs and destroyed its future. Such was the man whose own persuasion destroyed Qin's mightiest (and future mightiest) foe in this most critical hour. 

A specter, but now more likely than ever before.

It is here we shall end our coverage of Zhang Yi. More fanciful records had it that King Huai was willing to sign the humiliation defeat with the condition that the treacherous Zhang Yi be delivered to him to exchange for the 600 li given to Qin. Apparently the Qin King Huiwen agreed (even encouraged by Zhang Yi himself to take this deal) and when Zhang Submitted himself to the Chu King he did not kill the minister, whom he still regarded as a peerless talent and a source for great stately advices. Zhang was then eventually cleverly leverage his way out of his capture by convincing the jealous Chu queen to send him away (by vaguely tangle the prospect of Qin bringing pretty girls that will undermine her position) thus she persuaded her fatuous husband to relent Zhang and Zhang was able to leave.  

Beneath the King of the Hill, skulls.

However most versions agreed that the Qin king Huiwen predeceased Zhang and with the death of his life long benefactor Zhang fell out of favor in the Qin court. The newly ascended Qin king was distrustful of his court bloc and Zhang soon retired back to his native state of Wei and died there. Such was the man who dominated the middle Warring States period for 20 years and assured Qin's foothold in the end game. Though scorned, Zhang Yi (like his predecessor Shang Yang) had given Qin the most precious things of all: freedom and life.



SIX ALL UNITE AGAINST ONE

It is here we must recontextualize Su Qin in this new era and unlearn the quaint Kungfu montage version we learned earlier. The real Su Qin was born into a frightened world where Qin power was on the ascendency again under the newly enthroned (and exceptionally dangerous King Zhaoxiang, Zhao was on the rise after headlong reforms under the dynamic rule of King Wuling and King Huiwen, and Qi was under the Machiavellian Lord Mengchang- one of the "Four Lords" of the Warring States period. And it was in this world of apex predators he turned the realm decisively against their mortal foe before it was able to reach its critical mass.


It is here that we shall return to a hero we've been introduced to at the beginning. The one man who for a brief time genuinely reworked the Warring States geopolitical chessboard to such an extent that the end game of this era and China as a whole might have charted a different course. It is here also that we should recontextualized him from the first version we learned of his origins. 


Music: A Time for Sons (A World Betrayed)

THE MAJOR PLAYERS WHEN SU QIN MADE HIS MARK

The real Su Qin traversed in a dynamic world. During this 3 decade of time: from 310s to the 280s. Qin- after suffering from a succession crisis regained its purchase under the newly enthroned punch- drunk confident King Zhaoxiang, Zhao exponentially rose in power during this period to became a major military pole and began to assert itself- taking advantage of a feebled Wei to its south- and in time became Qin's major archrival. 


Despite having been a backwater at the mercy of its neighbors since its birth for more than a century, Zhao aggressively thrusted itself into the steppe lands and conquered all the way into the north bend of the Yellow River and made nearly all steppe polities north of Zhou China proper into its client vassals. While Su Qin was alive, Qi too was in a strong position, still one of the strongest states of this period- under the wily stewardship of its capable Lord Mengchang, and brazenly exerting its power by cowing Yan in the north to submission and also setting its covetous eyes in the south toward Song. Chu- though grievously humiliated by Qin earlier in the decade in 312 was compensated by its destruction of Yue and extending its reach into the east coast of China.

The real Su Qin was both more interesting, but also far less romanticized. He was not some hayseed nobody placed anachronistically 30 years to a prior age, but someone who was born into a frightened world where Qin power was on the ascendency again under the newly enthroned and exceptionally dangerous King Zhaoxiang and where Qi became extremely erratic in the east.

Because although the first version of Su Qin were were introduced to from the "Intrigue of the Warring States" was compelling as a narrative, it's also riddled with holes. What's more, recent 20th century archeology- especially from Records of the Vertical and Horizontal Alliance Schools of Thought 战国纵横家书 uncovered from the Han era Mawangdui tombs really overturned the credibility of the first version. 


A brief wrap up of the version we were introduced to earlier. In that version it was after his arduous devotion and studies that Su Qin finally made himself a peerless talent. He went on a grand tour of the realms and petitioned to serve various court of the time, eventually landing a high position in Yan, where he thereby persuaded the Yan king to build up a vast coalition to blunt Qin ambitions, his ambition was wildly rewarded and like a soaring dragon, he convinced the 6 major remaining kingdoms to band into one against Qin. And Qin (under the anachronistic and by now already dead) King Huiwen was so frightened of the alliance that Qin did not leave Hangu Pass for 15 years.

SU QIN- RECONTEXTUALIZED 
Instead of merely a nameless hayseed from humble origins, in fact his family was and had been highly educated scholars. An eloquent charmer, Su was able to pry open the intention of nearly all of his hosts and bid them to act on his persuasions.

The recently unearthed silk slips from Mawangdui's "Records of the Vertical and Horizontal Alliance Schools of Thought” revealed that the real Su Qin in fact had 4 elder brothers, Su Dai, Su Li, Su Pi and Su Hu who eventually all became expert diplomats and were major political thinkers linked to diplomacy (Sima Qian's "Record of the Grand Historian" maintains that Su Dai etc were Su Qin's younger brother but it should not be taken as credible as the former.) Instead of merely a nameless hayseed from humble origins, in fact his family was, and had been highly educated scholars from Luoyang- example: Su Dai himself was supposed to have facilitated the kingdom of Yan into Gongsun Yan's 5 kingdom alliance against Qin at Hangu. And compared to his already capable elder brothers, Su was superbly adapt at reading the intentions and interests of various states of the era. 

Yan was an ancient state, born in the 11th century BC at the founding of the Zhou dynasty. For centuries it was a distant frontier of Zhou in the northeast in today's northeastern Hebei and parts of Liaodong Peninsula. The 4th century military strategist and polymath Wu Qi who assessed most of the major powers of his day and raised the legendary Wei wuzu (elite "Wei Martial Troops") which crushed Qin multiple times on the battlefield described Yan as conservative relic and almost too honest for this world. Militarily its stratagems were unimaginative and painfully transparent.


In 314 BC- 2 years after Zhang Yi had betrayed Chu and lead Qin to crush Chu in the double battles that robbed it of its heartland, Yan was attacked and practically entirely conquered by its major southern neighbor of Qi, although Yan was resoundly defeated on the battlefield and Qi conquered 10 Yan cities, Qi was unable to absorb the kingdom wholesale nor pacify partisan rebellions against its occupation. A new king thus ascended the throne in Yan in 311 BC: King Zhao, who began to court talents from across the realm.

Sensing this as a perfect opportunity, Su left his homeland at Luoyang and travelled to Yan. Su was graciously welcomed in by King Zhao and the 2 quickly began to talk over Yan's political dilemma. Su very accurately guessed his new host is feeling insecure about his own and his kingdom's position against Qi- having been recently humiliated by Qi's conquest. So he proposed a solution to make these worries vanish for Yan. 

STAVE OFF THE QI WOLF- REDIRECTING ITS RAPACIOUS MALICE AFAR

For 2 generations Qi remains the strongest power in the east. Under the astute rule of King Wei (once lord Yinqi- who was a patron of Sun Bin) and his son King Xuan, no affairs in the east were done without consulting Qi. Like Qin in the west, it was a major pole. At this time the Qi coffers were full, its court stuffed with capable ministers- and supplemented by some of the best scholars of the realm from its academies, and its soldiers flushed with victory after resoundly humiliating Yan in its own homelands. In 301 BC, King Xuan died, and much of the affair of Qi was passed onto the mantle of the capable lord Mengchang. Mengchang- like his predecessors advocated for practicing Horizontal Alliances in aligning with the distant Qin so that Qi was free to bully and annex its immediate neighbors.


Both side of either Horizontal Alliance and Vertical Alliance schools are ardent rationalists and believes in objective/ realist assessment of states powers. Su Qin made the argument to his new patron that the state of Yan was poor, though it does not have to fear from more distant threats like Qin, in its immediacy it was surrounded by hyper aggressive and hyper capable military powers. Both Qi and the recently reformed Zhao were military power houses- what's worse for Yan, currently in very friendly relationship. The best approach ahead to safeguard Yan safety is to have Qi and Zhao distracted and seperated. What's more Su Qin argued that it was in Yan's absolute interest to turn its attention else where, and Su Qin had predicted just the perfect target in mind, the small Duchy of Song to Qi's south. 

SU QIN'S PROPOSAL IN DETAIL- MICRO AND MACRO

Su Qin's persuasion ran thusly. Yan's greatest immediate threat was Qi (yellow arrow), however Qi was too strong to be even turned away by the force of arms (see below for why) and bolstered with far a larger economic base. Thus Yan must create conditions for Qi to turn its attention elsewhere to expend its currently limitless coffers and arms. Instead of letting Qi keep grind Yan with Yan already at a major disadvantage (yellow arrow) Qi must be freed up to try to gobble up Song to its south (red arrow,) and Qi would then be forced to expend itself to occupy it- Su Qin judged was just strong enough to take Song but with great cost to itself. 

Gray Eminence and Horizontal Alliance Adherent. Under the Chancellorship of Lord Mengchang, Qi retained its age old strategy of aligning with Qin in the distant west in order to freely expand at the expense of its immediate neighbors. Su Qin's goal was to unravel all of the previous guardrails that Qi had (and its guardians staunchly maintained) and let it overact. During his first ambassadorship Su Qin was treated well in Qi and was on friendly terms with Lord Mengchang before his return to Yan. A superbly resourceful man and a confident problem solver, Lord Mengchang was said to have a vast entourage of over several thousand stuffed to the brim with supernaturally gifted characters. He was once to have said "A crafty hare has 3 burrows."

However before that happens, Su Qin must ensure that Qi does not have a distant partner- which it already have in the form of its good partnership with Qin. Once the Qi- Qin mutual Horizontal reinforcement was broken and Qi was freed up to glut its brazen ambitions by devouring Song, Song's annexation will be a poisoned chalice for Qi. It will both expend immense wealth and soldiers for its occupation but it will also leave its northern flank with Yan wide open. Furthermore this brazen overreach in expansion will isolate Qi and irrevocably raise alarm from all of its nearby neighbors (red X marks.) What's more, them all turning on Qi and present a weakened flank to the west will also salivate Qin's dark ambitions in the which~ if Qin does pursue those objectives, will surely mold the remaining states in the Central Plains together for mutual protection.

"Record of the Grand Historian" (very likely hindsight apocryphal steel-manning Su Qin so take this with a grain of salt) further listed out Su Qin's proposal to Yan regarding the distant threat of Qin. Su Qin argued that Yan being at the far fringes of the realm has very little to fear from Qin, IF Qin ever became brazen enough to attack Yan it would have to march a ridiculously arduous route across the grassy steppe lands in northern China (long arcing yellow arrow) to get to Yan, it would take months to reach the Yan capital. However Su Qin argued that by contrast, Zhao was far more of a dangerous threat, not only was its army strong, it was also located very close right to Yan's west. If Zhao decide to attack Yan it's armies can appear outside of the Yan capital in only 2 week's march (yellow arrow.) Su Qin proposed that it is vital that Yan placate Zhao and iron out all differences between the 2 states, what's more give absolutely no reasons for Zhao to keep as large of a garrison near Yan so it was freed to instead fully fight and contend with Qin (red X mark) thereby indirectly becoming a de facto buffer state for Yan and safeguarding it.

SU QIN'S MANUVERS INSIDE QI


Around 298 BC Su Qin was dispatched to Qi for the first time as a Yan ambassador and high level hostage (a position usually retained by high level princes.) However his first stay was an unremitted disaster, in only a few years during his stay and discourse with his Qi counterparts, his patron- persuaded by a hawkish faction at court in Yan and without informing Su Qin- launched an invasion of Qi- which Qi absolutely had no problem crushing on the field. The Yan army was put to flight and the humiliated Su Qin (despite being a hostage was not killed) had to return to Yan in shame.



Miffed (for he could have been killed by his hosts,) Su Qin grumbled to his patron that in the future good sovereigns should do their utmost in adhering to their priorly agreed upon strategies (stick to the plan!) and loyal servants such as he should not have to fear such unexpected unsets. Especially while he was in the lion's den. However after 294 BC a series of irresistible developments happened in Qi which made both King Zhao of Yan and Su Qin giddy that they immediately sought out an immediate ambassy with Qi again- the great regent and astute pillar of the Qi state Lord Mengchang himself had been ousted from Qi in a palace coup and was accused of trying to usurp the throne, power in Qi now solely consolidated around the young, paranoid, and (overly) ambitious King Min of Qi. Min was just someone (overly) ambitious enough, and foolish enough to do exactly what Su Qin had suggested for Qi. This time Su Qin came with some 150 stately wagons and represented the full degree of the Yan king's confidence. 

By now each major surviving state had a King (or soon will) and none of those Kings were keen on play pretend to defer to a Zhou "King" that hadn't had any real power in more than 5 centuries. Plus..."King" was too small of a title for their burning ambitions.

TO SPURN QIN- QIN'S IMPERIAL AMBITION
When Su Qin returned as ambassador and hostage finally a priceless opportunity presented itself. At this time Qin was under the rein of the young and dynamic (and later we would see) brazenly ambitious King Zhaoxiang. Zhaoxiang and King Min of Qi were both expansionists and both of their regimes previously adhered to the precept of Horizontal Alliances with each other. Now Qin was seeking to expand again and in order to bolster its already august position, King Zhaoxiang broached a brazen request to Qi. King Zhaoxiang would declare himself as the "Emperor of the West" while King Min elevate himself as well as the "Emperor of the East." Both would then mutually recognize each other. 


The Chinese word "Emperor," or Di 帝 was once only reserved for august ancestral sovereigns before the age of kings. It was a title of literally mythical status. 

Initially the insecure and paranoid King Min of Qi was overjoyed at this prospect for the chance to enhance his own prestige~ with the backing of the greatest distant power in the west. However when King Min broached this development to Su Qin (other sources suggest it was his brother Su Dai) he intervened and cautioned Min against it. Above all Su Qin pointed to Min that his grand ambition- which Su had guessed was southward expansion until Qi became the sole master of the Central Plains states, would be very difficult to realize- what's more, Su pointed out that Qi was being led down the primrose path by Qin and that Qin will be the primary beneficiary of this declaration. 

Su Qin's also right. Despite secretly having a plan to undermine Qi's authority to preserve Yan, Su Qin- like any talented political observer was correct in pointing out that Qin's "friendly" request was loaded. King Zhaoxiang was a cunning sovereign and this arrangement would benefit him more than Qi. Qin was far larger by this point, it's also more distant in the frontier of the Zhou civilization thus does not have the risky of been ganged up by ourtaged lords, while Qi was still surrounded by many traditionalist feifs on multiple fronts who still (at least on the surface) bent the knees to the Zhou kings. if Qi makes this declaration it would be hamstringed- be thrown out of balance with its neighbors, what's more it'd have ironically contained itself. Therefore leaving only 1 of the 2 greatest states to act freely and make headlong strides.

Having pointed out these dangers, Su then cautioned that Qi should procrastinate and let Qin make the declaration first (and alone) while leaving it in the cold. Afterwards Su argued, if Qin made this declaration and all of the realm accepts it, then Qi can do the same, by contrast, if there is a chance at all that it would be met with universal disapproval if Qi'd have rushed in and joined Qin, its hands would have been tied and all of its small surrounding states would want to check it in concert. 


Not content to leave the matter here, Su then raised the question if Qi would have joined Qin in this declaration, and now there's 2 "Emperors" in the realm, who really would the realm see as the most exemplary of such an Emperor? King Min then begrudgingly confessed that it would be Qin in the west, for Qin's mighty state and initiative in this declaration, to which Su pointed out then it is better to not go along at all. Let Qin alone take this poisoned chalice, and get all the disapproval from the realm. Convinced of Su Qin's reasoning, King Min agreed to his reasonings and spurned Qin's advances. With this new course set for Qi, it soon began to seek a diplomatic realignment with its immediate neighbors. The foremost among them was the newly emboldened Zhao. 

Su Qin's also wrong. He made these arguments because spurning Qin was part of his grand plan to keep Qi more and more isolated and without a major backer in the distance to exert invasion pressure on the flanks of Qi's immediate neighbors- thus geometrically weakening Qi's leverage in the diplomatic calculous. While Zhaoxiang's proposal was indeed loaded. It was not too harmful that a great state like Qi would not walk away from (lose a battle but win the war, sacrifice a gambit but force a development that allows it to seize the ultimate hand.) And here it was precisely why Su Qin and his patron did not dare to have tried this when the cunning Lord Mengchang (or his 2 able predecessors) were still presiding over Qi's matters. A true endlessly resourceful player who adheres to Horizontal Alliances would have taken the loss and still rolled with the punches. While a middling insecure, rigid, and overly ambitious monarch such as King Min would be swayed by good surface level arguments, without seeing the deeper negative space the conditions presented. That is, Qi, being a great state (and if headed by a recourceful sovereign,) has much more than enough to confidently improvise in the aftermath. Instead it had a king so frightened that his own weakness was imposed upon his capable state.

SPOOKING QIN BY ROPING IN ZHAO

Zhao- though having been bullied for over a century, became a major military powerhouse around this time. Under the exhaustive reforms by its ambitious King Wuling, Zhao radically reformed its military and adopted the fighting style of its nomadic steppe neighbors. Zhao became the first Warring States kingdom to adopt true cavalry detachments and they were able to operate with great autonomy on the battlefield. Far able to mass and reequip than expensive chariots (and expensive charioteer teams) many Zhao horsemen were simultaneously both lancer and mounted archers- lacquered longbows were uncovered from the region dated to this period. In only 1 generation after Zhao's policy of "Wearing the Hu Attire and Shooting from Horseback" 胡服骑射, Zhao seized most of northern China's steppes and became so dynamic of a military power that other states began to rapidly also adopt true cavalry en mass.

GAMBIT- OPTICS OF A QI ZHAO ALLIANCE

This did not go as well as Yan might have initially hoped for, for as soon as Qi began to seek partnership with Zhao, Su Qin immediately received a worried missive from his patron in Yan. The Yan King was deeply anxious that a potential Qi- Zhao alliance- two of the strongest military states in the northeast and both bordering Yan- would spell existential calamity for Yan. However Su Qin persuaded his monarch that it was a worthy sacrifice. For this dynamic partnership would alarm another far more. 


The 2 Courts: Handan vs Xianyang (Chang An): Soon after this period, Zhao and Qin would become archnemesis against each other. Their rivalry would last all the way until the last unification war launched by the First Emperor. From this point until the end of the Warring States period the court at Handan and the court at Xianyang would be locked in a long mortal struggle with the other.


Though in the short term Yan's position was truly made more precarious, the optic of this fomenting friendship will annoy another power that it will do everything it can to unravel it: Qin. Having been just spurned by Qi in its overture, now Qin watched with alarm as Qi abandons its old cordial partnership with Qin and began to court a highly militarized and dangerous buffer between the 2 great powers- by extension extending Qi influence right on Qin and Zhao's shared borders. And as Su Qin calculated, Qin began to turn hostile at both Zhao and Qi. Without any action on Yan's part, Qin now began to threaten Zhao and Qi. 


At this time the Zhao court- like with Qi under the capable Lord Mengchang, was also headed by a capable Chancellor: Lord Fengyang- Li Dui 李兑. Blaming him for this hostile move against Qin, King Zhaoxiang of Qin demanded his dismissal from the Zhao court. Lord Fengyang did the exact opposite, instead of letting his position be endangered, Zhao now began to rally all of the Central Plains states together to ally against Qin. 


"Record of the Grand Historian" also attributed this major development solely to Su Qin. The Record had Su Qin conversing with the Zhao leadership and actively fanning their ambitions. Su Qin gave them assurance that Yan would accept Zhao as a protector of the Central Plains and reasoned to the Zhao leadership that Zhao was in a precarious position. On several fronts it was surrounded by a powerful military state (Qin + Qi,) what's more due to its shifting alliances and aggressive conquests it was trusted by few. Thus it behooves Zhao to make peace with one so it can be safe if it was caught in a war the other. What's more Su Qin pointed out that the other small states around Zhao could be vital to Zhao's own security if it manage to cultivate alliances so its borders would be further stabilized- in turn turning its major weakness if isolated into a proactive advantage (larger circle.) 



Having persuaded the Zhao leadership, Su Qin then went on to state he would go forth on behalf of the Zhao state and rope all of the remaining none- Qin states together under Zhao leadership. Now with their ambition fully inflamed, the Zhao king rewarded Su Qin with the Zhao title of Wuan jun 武安君 or "Lord of Martial Peace." and sent him off to convince other states to come into this grand alliance.


Hidden in the details of course, was that now the framework for a Central Plains bloc was recreated, much similar to the chessboard once roped together by Gongsun Yan a generation ago. A largely small-state oriented one too, having neutered Qi- and even roped it along with this new alliance, and having turned Qin into the boogieman Su Qin desperately needed Qin to be. Now, with both Qi and Zhao rigged together against Qin, other minor states will soon flock to this alliance. Though in other details "Record of the Grand Historian" and the Mawangdui "Records of the Vertical and Horizontal Alliance Schools" silk slips have major differences, in this area both have more overlap. 


Most importantly, with the drastic expansion of this anti- Qin alliance, Su Qin's real wish saw fruit. Now having secured its various fronts with allies (which inoculated it from nearly all nearby potential threats and have them be buffers against Qin) Qi launched a major full force invasion of Song. By 288 BC King Min also declared himself emperor. He was said to be surrounded by shameless sycophants and was so cruel he regularly put critics and those who made him angry to death- to such a point that all criticism was rationalize as not of his own fault and shifted onto convenient scapegoats: He had alienated most of his staff, courtiers, and royal clan. 

LAST GASPS OF THE SONG STATE 


Founded at the very beginning of the Western Zhou in the 11th century BC, Song actually had a much older history than most of its neighbors and even the Zhou kingdom. Song stemmed from the branch of the Shang dynasty royal clan that sided with the Zhou founders in their revolt against the Shang. Thus the Dukes of Song had far more ancient claim than the rest of their peers. 
First Qi invasion of Song: Situated around what is modern eastern Henan near Kaifeng- the Song state maintained the ancient sacred altar of Shangqiu 商邱 ("Hill of Shang") where the sacrifices could still be rendered to the Shang ancestors and their capital was built. Both in culture and tradition they were quite distinct from their Zhou peers. They practiced succession of Agnatic seniority (passing to uncles) rather than primogeniture as in most of the rest of the Zhou realm. 

Although Qi came with the full might of its military sledge hammer, it did not fair as well as King Min of Qi had hoped. Though they were successful on the battlefield and took several cities, the Song defenders held on and eventually gave the Qi soldiery so much trouble (and diplomatically Wei and Chu) gave Qi so much trouble that Qi had to pull back with limited gains. Instead of securing a resounding boost to his prestige, Qi was humbled. While originally intending to take all of Song for itself in the first war, now Qi had to bide time for a second invasion.

Insane megalomaniac, though most likely not: Unfortunately most of what we have characterizing the last Song ruler were a smattering of extremely uncharitable propaganda. The last Song ruler King Kang of Song 宋康王 (also known as King Yan) was objectively a capable ruler who did more than one ought to give him credit for. During his rule he aggressively beat back far larger states of Chu, Wei and Qi who were counted among the "7 Heroes of the Warring States." He also annexed the last remaining 2 small states (Teng and Xue) around Song and made himself a "King" like the rest of the apex predators of the realm. Unfortunately because Song was eventually partitioned in the end, the remaining (dubiously biased) records characterized him with so much ego that when an auspicious bird appeared before him he took it as a sign that Song could conquer the world and soon began to think of himself as a god-like figure, shooting arrows at heaven and ghosts and did not believe that he could succumb to mortal blows. He was so insane that he ordered anyone disturbing his merriment to have their feet cut or executed. Thus no one brought him any bad news. This version is also almost certainly Qi propaganda. This version of Kang further stated that being so moved by this evil king's cruelty against his own people King Min took up arms against Song.

THE KINGDOMS RAISE THEIR BANNERS FOR WAR 


It was during this time that Su Qin attained the highest point of his influence. He visited both Wei and Han and having convinced them of the directions Qi and Zhao had taken (against Qin) both too were included as part of the grand alliance and each offered Su Qin titles and the power to use their state seals to make important decisions on behalf of the alliance. 

STIFFENING THE CENTRAL PLAINS STATES
"Intrigue of the Warring States" and "Record of the Grand Historian" gives Su Qin's persuasion to each of the minor Central Plains thusly: Su Qin argued that Han is in a geographical favorable position with many natural barriers for its self protection (nestled inside shielding mountains etc) it is rich and has a large industrious populace, however politically it is precarious, its surrounded by tougher states in all directions and Qin to the west will never end its trespass and attempt to breach into Han until it has taken the key fortresses in the west. What's more after it succeeds in this mission there will be no more barriers Han can present and Qin was free to steamroll across the flat heartlands of Han. Against this unwanted future, it was best that Han join the alliance already taking shape against this most pressing of mortal threats. The Han king, though prideful, readily appreciated Su Qin's reasoning and responded that since Zhao had already joined for this fight, Han too will join Zhao and others by raising its banners.


The situation in Wei had had been different. At this time Wei was a shadow of its former self and its court was filled with ministers who voted for Wei's de facto vassaldom to Qin to secure its safety. However Su Qin approached the Wei king and chided the court rife of disloyal ministers. He presented the argument that Wei is already a strong state, it's terrain filled with mountain passes, it's fields rich, its soldiers disciplined and fierce, its industry capacity high. In true power it was comparable to Chu, however it was saddled with playing a junior partner to Qin. Su Qin then argued that in this arrangement in the long term it only benefits Qin- to keep using Wei to augment Wei's resources and manpower for Qin ambitions, but Wei will be exhausted while Qin secures more advantages. Until inevitably Qin raises to a point that Wei would have no nope/ nor chance of resisting (same as all other states) and that it was far better for Wei to take a chance at this one in a life time opportunity to really reshuffle its fortune. Persuaded, Wei too joined the alliance and the king presented Su Qin with Wei's seal.


Su Qin's final argument was presented to the king of Chu. Su Qin pointed out that if the other states attacked Qin and Chu did not join, it will forever be under the shadow of a strong Qin. What's more Su Qin reasoned that Chu is vast, its army is also vast, and its grain capacity both high and deeply stockpiled. That Qin in reality only has 1 mortal fear, and that is a strong Chu. What's more it was Qin's prerogative to keep Chu weak so it alone can remain strong. But Chu was always strong enough to make its own bid for Hegemony if it wished. For Chu to eek out an existential path, it was vital that Chu finds a way to keep Qin weak. What's more: the best way to realize that is to throw Chu's weight into this already primed alliance pointed at Qin. Now Qin cannot find allies in the rest of the realm and will be totally isolated.


 Otherwise Qin was free to attack Chu from many vectors and the Chu heartlands be in grave danger. Su Qin then added that Horizontal Alliance with Qin was unfeasible because of their long shared borders and Qin has ambition of unifying the realm, thus any concessions to placate Qin to preserve status quo with a Qin already bent on absorbing smaller states means that the more passive Chu will be at more and more disadvantage as Qin reaches an irresistible mass. 


It was at this point that Su Qin became the Chancellor of the 6 kingdoms and given the seal of the 6 kingdoms to use at his disposal and thereafter wore robes decorated with the insignia of the six states.   "Intrigue of the Warring States" which (not credibly) depicted Su Qin as an impoverished hayseed scholar spurned by his wife, sister-in-law, and parents go on to further present a humorous scene where now- having been made the Chancellor of the overwhelming majority of the remaining great kingdoms, when Su Qin by chance passed his humble hovel where he grew up in a blaze of glory his parents welcomed him thirty li from home, his sister-in-law crawled like a snake whilst the surprise showed on his wife but she dared not look at him, her former stubbornness having become respect. The Sword was drawn, but unexpectedly for the members (but perhaps deeply satisfying for Su Qin himself) it was not Qin that would be butchered. 

...ONLY INTERESTS


For it was also during this time that Qi made its long term move and launched a second full invasion of Song. This unannounced invasion caused great alarm among the member state of the coalition, and made them all see Qi as a selfish betrayer and supremely unreliable partner. This invasion became a major calamity for Qi. The records from Qin at this time recorded that other states were so outraged that Qin military advisers were invited and dispatched to the courts of Zhao and Wei to train their soldiers against a similar Qi invasion. Qi's selfish move isolated it from its allies and it had to recall its second invasion.

Afraid that Qi- having been blunted twice would gave up on the Song conquest. To give King Min a false sense of confidence Su Qin even secretly pledged that Yan would support Qi in its conquest of Song. To ensure that Zhao would tacitly support Qi's invasion (at least see it develop while on the sidelines) Su Qin gave assurances that a large slice conquered from Song will be given personally to Lord Fengyang of Zhao as his personal fief if the conquest was successful. Salivated with the prospect of self aggrandizement, Zhao gave tacit permission for Qi to conquer southward without intervention and in 286 BC Qi immediately launched a 3rd invasion. 

YOU WOULD DESTROY A GREAT EMPIRE 

According to uncharitable Qi and other records made after this conquest (which framed King Kang of Song in extremely biased characterization) it was at this time that the mad and pleasure-addled Song sovereign met his end. As previously mentioned he was under delusion that he cannot be defeated by mortals and was a god who can smite heavenly spirits and earthly gods with his arrows when hasty Song messengers first raced to him informing him that Song had been invaded, he executed the messengers for daring to suggest that mortals can overpower him. When the 2nd time messengers raced to him with similar messages that enemies have closed in toward the Song heartlands he also executed his messengers, by the 3rd time all of his messengers had taken to heart of his character and merely announced all was well- and was then rewarded by the addled sovereign. Soon enough King Kang's capital was sacked and he was beheaded.

SIX ALL UNITE AGAINST ONE


The invasion was led by none other than Yan- King Zhao of Yan had placed a highly capable general named Yue Yi 乐毅 at its helm and Qi was invaded from multiple directions. 

Unfortunately for King Min (and his kingdom,) he was King Min. After he had conquered Song as Qi's own, King Min became supremely aloof and reneged on all of his previous pre- war promises. No portion of the conquered Song was remitted to Zhao for Min had solely stylized himself as Emperor of the East and had no intention of being cowed by its neighbors. What happened later was precisely the opposite of what he intended. All of the other states became so apoplectic at Qi arrogance that all of the remaining kingdoms joined together in alliance and invaded Qi 2 years later in 284 BC. Hundreds of Qi cities fell and were rapidly taken. All Qi resistance melted in the face of the invaders and in the decisive Battle of Jixi 济西 its royal army was crushed by the combined coalition and slaughtered.


284 BC- Six against One: The invasion was such a total calamity that the Qi state came close to a hair's breath from being completely vanquished (it was when this campaign was concluded.) With the 3 Jins primed in outrage (Zhao, Wei, Han) + Yan and Qin, the Five kingdom alliance had no problem along their invasion route with Yan dealing the fiercest blows to Qi defenders. Only Chu pledged to aid Qi in this dire hour. Hundreds of Qi cities fell rapidly to the coalition advances and the Yan general Yue Yi crushed the Qi royal army in battle at Jixi. The coalition army then looted and ravished the Qi countryside and made off with its Qi's fabled riches. The Qi royal capital at Linzi fell and was thoroughly sacked. Qi gains in Song were partitioned between Wei and Chu, King Min was slain when Chu- which came under the banner of rescuing him turned on him and killed both him and his crown prince. Nearly all of ancestral Qi lands fell to Yan- with only the exceptions of 2 great fortress cities in Ju and Jimo. For the time being, Qi was dead in mosts' minds.

In the parable about the last great Lydian King Croesus whose ancient realm bordered that of the great Achaemenid Persian Empire the King was supposed to have consulted his oracle about the prospect of facing Persia in battle, the oracle only cryptically responded that if he did so, he "shall destroy a great empire" the proverbial Croesus was supposedly to have took this as a sign that he will crush Persia in battle and thus met the Persian Shah Cyrus on the battlefield, only to have his own kingdom crushed in the end. Likewise, although in this grand narrative we have been primed that the story would be one of 6 heroic remaining states banding together against the common ruthless foe (and ultimate winner) of the menacing Qin in the west. The reality was far more...utilitarian. Almost as if provoked by a mafioso frenzy, they spontaneously tore Qi to pieces because Qi had betrayed them too much and made them all angry.

SELFISHNESS- SELFISHNESS ALL 朝秦暮楚

It is here that we must take a final sobering look at the realities of the Horizontal and Vertical Schools of Alliances: that ironically the most successful spurt of conquest that happened in this age, and the truest of the true alliance which managed to took down a great state was short term and utilitarian. Despite grand promises and mutual pledges, times after time the grand alliances were undone by the utilitarian selfishness of each state- all of which still practiced their own diplomacy. 


Gongsun Yan's alliance would have borne fruit if Yan saw saw the specter of Qin as a major threat and contributed more in the 5 kingdom's war against Qin, what's more most decisively Chu would have been a major pivot that would have bulked Qin early on and secure its safety for the next century. Instead, Chu abandoned the alliance to die and they unraveled into smaller version of themselves. Chu's mistake was then amply demonstrated by Zhang Yi's maneuvers (let's be real, sabotage) within Chu that left it crippled of vital heartlands, farmland, population and tax base, prestige, and armed men- kneecapping it as the remaining kingdoms all raced toward the murderous late game live- or- die Battle Royale. If anything Zhang Yi's almost karmic actions proved just how costly not seeing the value of coalitions are for Chu's own survival.

Despite grand promises and mutual pledges, times after time the grand alliances were undone by the utilitarian selfishness of each state- all of which still practiced their own diplomacy. 
If the reader is curious why this article devotes such astronomical length on diplomats in this age of "Warring States" just look at the political chessboard after they had made their mark. By ploy alone (and the backing of their strong patron's kingdoms) 2 men had greatly weakened 2 of the 3 greatest powers of this age- Qi and Chu. Their marks were so great that the end game of this age became irrevocably changed.


Su Qin's own career was ironic in several point too. Although traditional narratives of Sima Qian and Intrigue had his career been devoted to blunt Qin in the west (with fanciful assertion his alliance was the reason Qin did not go east beyond Hangu Pass for some 15 years) The recent excavations revealed that Su Qin's goals are far more realistic and instead of Qin, he was vital in leading Qi to its near total annihilation. Unfortunately for Su Qin, the year the six kingdoms triumphed against Qi was also his last. When the Yan forces conquered hundreds of Qi cities and the Qi royal army was crushed and its capital sacked, he was still with King Min. and King Min- unable to take any blame for his own arrogance and failures blamed Su Qin for the calamity and had him torn apart in public by drawing and quartering. Though as a long term hostage and long under the thumb of an irascible tyrant like Min, Su Qin likely knew of this fate well. What's more, it's almost certain that before Qi was undone by the grand coalition he actively encouraged his patron King Zhao of Yan to invade Qin with full force knowing that Yan would both win decisively, ...and that he would be killed in the cruelest manner. His final gambit was himself. Ironically, he should also be glad in some senses too. Six kingdoms against one. He facilitated the truest alliance of this age. They were his storm and he was its eye.




After this resounding victory Yan would enter into a brief new golden age under the reign of King Zhao, while Qi would never again regain its former position. Yes. Qi- somehow would still stubbornly will itself back to existence. For at Ju- despite being besieged by multiple kingdoms, a new generation of Qi patriots would resoundly slaughter itself back into existence and in 5 years free the countryside from its occupiers. But that would be explored in another story. Presently, although the 6 kingdoms had glutted themselves on the loot from the cities and fields of Qi- and saw 1 of the major states undone- another meteoritic power still retained in the west. And now with 2 of it's 3 major peer competitors undone. The only major power that did not suffer a betrayal at the hand of a rival. Now Qin's naked ambitions were fully unveiled. The great "Emperor of the West" still stirs. And it's war machined is still primed. Soon, it will be dealing its own blows eastward. And each major battle from this point on will be akin to a war crime or a genocide. 





Now when Qin punches back, none of the 6 would be able to take it anymore. Beyond only feeble protests anymore, for the sovereign seated upon the Qin throne would have no qualms in drowning the realm in nearly half a century of bloody wars. With Qin armies led by generals who'd personally cause the death of enemies and civilians somewhere in the millions. Now the 6 kingdoms truly might all die.







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Traditional version of Su Qin's death were more fanciful and should not be believed, but here is the version. Since these versions were anachronistic it stated that when When Xuan died, King Min ascended the throne and Su Qin vied with the ministers of state for the monarch's favor. As such the various old guard ministers attempted to assassinate Su Qin but they were only partially successful, able to only inflict a mortal wound on him but not slay him entirely. The Qi king then tried to arrest the culprits but failed to do so. When Su Qi was on his deathbed he thought of a ploy against his ambushers. After Su Qin naturally succumbed to his wounds King Min would then frame Su Qin posthumously as a traitor and have his body was torn limb from limb publicly. Predictably, this then led to Su Qin's would-be assassins to reveal themselves, and they were subsequently executed. 

Comments

Der said…
The geopolitics of the Warring States Period and the conflict between the Vertical and Horizontal alliances are so like today's current events.

China's rise has created the likes of the QUAD and small states like South Korea, Japan and the Philippines to ally with far away USA in a Vertical Alliance to try to counter China's ambitions. It seems these alliances will fail like the ancient Vertical Alliance against Qin.

Same with the NATO Vertical Alliance and its support for Ukraine against Russia. It seems Ukraine will lose all the lands east of the Dneiper River like Qin conquering Hexi from Wei.
Dragon's Armory said…
Please try to stay within the time frame before 1912. As most of the talking points after that period is highly loaded.

But just for this once. Yes, you are right in your observations. This is neither new to policy makers inside China or observers (or committed US sponsored detractors) outside of CN either. If you stumble onto google translated Chinese on either Weibo or in US- NED sponsored presses the words "Vertical Alliance" and "Horizontal Alliance" and Legalist words like "Rich Nation, Strong Army" are all over the place.

Even TW Times made themselves excited thinking US has use for them as a "Vertical Alliance" partner. Though...............Looking at how the US treats its vassals (what did Kissenger say again?) that privileged distinction might not be how they imagined. But at least the coded language speaks to the fact that those without and without China who speaks Chinese on this topic are actors that sees historical contexts of these rhymes.

Unfortunately in my personal discourse with Western Europeans and some Eastern Europeans that bordered Russia it all devolves into very liberal talking points. I'm not even talking about liberal as in freedom loving or laise affair capitalism or parliamentarian democracy but liberal in the sense of international relations theory in diplomacy- the type that whips the masses into a moralist crusade to replicate more democracies and chase "bad man" into their lairs (vs the realists.)
Der said…
1912 limit. Understood,

thank you.
kol said…
With regards to the Yiqu a language suspect later than them be yeniseian

https://archive.org/details/centralasianonch0000pull/page/187/mode/2up?view=theater
Der said…
The Qin seem to have dealt with the Yiqu and these early nomad confederations easily. Were the Yiqu related to the later Huns? What was different with Chinese vs Barbarian nomad relations compared to the imperial age? Why did the Qin deal with the nomads while the Han Dynasty and all subsequent dynasties have such trouble with Huns, Rouran, Turks, Khitans and Mongols? were the Warring States simply more warlike compared to the Imperial Age Chinese?
kol said…
d, identifying the Xiongnu as descendants of the Western Rong who lived in the Ordos and between the Ordos and the Wei Valley in Zhou times implies a much greater geographical separation between them and the homeland of the Ket and their extinct linguistic relatives in Southern Siberia than thinking of the Xiongnu as invaders from north of the Gobi and could therefore make the hypothesis less persuasive, while, on the other hand, the hypothesis could make sense in terms of the old theory, recently revived by the Russian linguist, S. Starostin^o, that Kettish and other Palaeo-Siberian languages Pulleyblank E. G. (1994) “Ji Hu: Indigenous Inhabitants of Shaanbei and Western Shanxi” in
Dragon's Armory said…
I'd argue the other way. Spring and Autumn era and Warring States strategies against northern invaders were usually divided and lacked too much coordination. This is exemplified by the fact that many of them built their own seperate "Great Walls." If stars align and forces converge together you might have situations where great Hegemons rally the rest of the great lords behind common causes to "Revere the King and Expel Barbarians." (like how the Western Zhou Kings did when they led great coalitions on campaigns before their powers collapsed)

And the Qin did not have an easy time with these peoples- especially the Rong, who were related to the Yiqu (with some historians imagining they were Scythians because of Scythian artifacts uncovered from their sites, though Im not convinced. Artifacts from their sites do exhibit Eurasian Central Asian influence though). If anything it was very slow. Qin fought them for centuries from the fall of the old Zhou capital until this time so that's a span of some 400 years. Yiqu were not destroyed immediately around this time either so there's that.

Zhao's major changes were far more impactful in this period to the nomads of the northern steppes. Zhao attacks were devastating and drove them either all out or vassalized those that he defeated until Zhao was a major powerbroker in the north. In fact Zhao invasion pressures extending into the steppes- into vital pasture lands was one of the reasons that the many steppe forces reoriented around the Xiongnu when they made their bid later.

Also the argument that Qin was successful while Han was not against the steppe powers is a bit optimistic and not comparable, Qin was an extremely short lived dynasty. It's 15 year span and its early victories should not be a picture of what it will always be. Meanwhile Han had 4 centuries. Let's not forget that Qin collapsed after over a decade and Han managed to do what Qin never did, Bang Chao etc broke up Xiongnu power and vassalized the rest, Tang was also able to manage to do such to the Gokturk Khagans and in turn be voted by them into Khagans, and Qing during the reign of the 3 dynamic Qing emperors did what most Han emperors never did and became master over much of the steppe polities in the region. Considering the span which Qing had the region under their influence was longer than say~ the total length of the Soviet Union and that of the Diaodochi or Napoleon's first French Empire (you know the shining examples in western "world" history) I'd hardly consider those dynasties were not successful compared to the Qin. Mainly in that for their times, Han, Tang, and Qing all won.
kol said…
Considering the fact that the eastern Hu are spiculated to be Proto Serbi–Mongolic in terms of ethnolinguistic identity what do you think of them being one groups to mobile pastoralism As well as the Yiqu Being yeniseian as well as being the core group that became Xiongnu Also, have you read the headless state?
Dragon's Armory said…
I have not read the headless state, I just looked it up and read the summary for the book. Beside arguing that steppe cultures were a lateral confederacy can you go in deeper on what they talked about and the key arguments?

Also no, the Yiqu were not nomadic nor pastoralists at this point, Warring States records specifically mentioned Qin taking and Yiqu surrounding cities to Qin etc. In fact for most of the semi- Sinisized states around this time, aside from those north of Zhao, many I'd consider are either part sedentary or fully sedentary by this time. Case and point, Zhongshan etc, which is both situated in an area with high mountains but had grand palaces and walled cities.
kol said…
I can quote from the introduction if you like “This book has two aims: the first is to expose a misconception that became firmly rooted in twentieth-century social science, journalism, policymak- ing, and popular culture. Since the colonial era, representations of Inner Asia and its traditions and histories have been dominated by images of fierce and free nomads organized by the principles of prestate kinship so- ciety into clans and tribes. Anthropological fieldwork in Inner Mongolia and Mongolia in the 1980s and 1990s convinced me that nothing like the popular image of kinship society had existed recently in Mongolia, and the more I studied the history of Inner Asia, the more apparent it became that colonial-era notions of tribalism had powerfully distorted representations of steppe societies and their past. On closer inspection, it was not “kinship society” but aristocratic power and statelike processes of administration that emerged as the more significant features of the wider organization of life on the steppe.”
kol said…
Also, my other point is that from article by a linguist historian the Yiqu Being yeniseian as well as being the core group that became Xiongnu in Pulleyblank E. G. (1994) “Ji Hu: Indigenous Inhabitants of Shaanbei and Western Shanxi
kol said…
Also, among my reading list, I suggest Northern Wei (386–534)
A New Form of Empire in East Asia
By Scott Pearce if you want to get a good idea about the northern Wei as well as the complementary book The Jiankang Empire which deals with the southern dynasties

Dragon's Armory said…
No no, that's what's also written on the Amazon summary blurb. I meant more in detail of what the book said rather than the title and summary.

I assume that you are recommending the book because you have read it and at least avidly believes its central thrusts right? Please tell me what the central arguments were and whether you believe it. ^My article is a composition of sources from Intrigue of the Warring States, Record of the Grand Historian, and Mawangdui silk slips regarding Horizontal and Vertical schools, lets not be the kind that just namedrop a book. If you can please raise the points in the book and provide some quotes that strengthens these positions.

I have not read Northern Wei (386–534) A New Form of Empire in East Asia before, is it good? Currently most of my sources are in CN for N Wei. Over the years I usually gravitate to western scholars that can both read Chinese and can provide many hard archeological details in their arguments.
kol said…
The central thesis of the headless state is the fact that the stuff was more like feudal aristocracies based off of Mobile pastoralism rather than the stereotypical image of tribes i've also have some supplementary articles that you can read they go with it like, for example Notion of Tribe in Medieval China: Ouyang Xiu and the Shatuo Dynastic Myth which basically argued that the English translation of the Chinese words used for tribe, are exactly an accurate translation noteing for the fact that the Chinese word for tribe came in via the conquest dynasties

"The polity was organized into two vast wings, with the left wing forming the eastern division and the right being the western portion, as if the empire was a gigantic army at rest, facing south. The Xiongnu em- peror was named the chanyu, and below him stood the “wise kings” and senior officials of the left and right wings. Just below these stood twenty- four great lords. Of these, Sima Qian wrote, “the most important ones [command] ten thousand horsemen, the least important a few thousand; altogether they are referred to as the twenty-four high dignitaries” (Di Cosmo 2002, 177). These kings, officials, and lords ruled a number of divi- sions and subdivisions of the empire. Whatever the nature of these units, it seems that, in the case of large ones at least, “each group had its own area, within which it moves” (Watson 1993, 137). The administrative system was decimal. “Each of the twenty-four leaders [zhang] in turn appoints his own ‘chiefs [zhang] of a thousand,’ ‘chiefs [zhang] of a hundred,’ and ‘chiefs [zhang] of ten,’ as well as his subordinate kings, prime ministers, chief commanders, household administrators . . . and so forth” (Watson 1993, 137).32 There is no indication that this decimal organization was an exclusively military system, and Grousset (1970, 21) concludes that the en- tire nation was permanently organized as an army, even in peace.
This is so strikingly similar to the Chinggisid imperial organization that it is strange that more has not been made of the comparison in the stan- dard treatments.33 But both aristocracy and a numerical administrative system are so incompatible with the tribal model of pastoral nomads that they tended to be explained away as phenomena of contact and conquest. Even when it uses very nominal units, a decimal administrative system, for example, operates on entirely different principles from the descent groups of the kinship society model. Decimal units fit together to form larger aggregates on the basis of their number, not kinship relations, and since genealogies, however fictive they might be, could hardly be made to jus- tify a series of ten, hundred, thousand, and ten thousand, the relationship between the constituent units cannot be defined by descent. Membership of an administrative unit may, of course, be hereditary, as it was in the case of the medieval English tithing, but the unit is not in any way an element of a “kinship system,” since its role and relations are defined by an admin- istrative rather than a genealogical order. In the Xiongnu case, it appears that the registration of subjects within administrative units seems to have
|115| |116|been a definitional feature of commoner status, at least in the Chinese sources. The Chinese term used for Xiongnu commoners meant, literally, “registered households” (Honey 1990, 21).)."

Northern Wei (386–534) A New Form of Empire I fully read and relies on both western sources as well as Chinese sources, as well as several archaeological ones also on linguistics as well it is very in-depth for an English language source, which is why I recommended overall it even includes entire details about its military interestingly, enough you can also use its bibliography as a Reading list is also is a good one
Dragon's Armory said…
That is good to know for the Northern Wei A New Form of Empire. If I have some time between scrounging and threading the narrative for Qin's late Warring States conquests I will check it between irl work and Dragon's Armory work.

As for the argument that the great steppe polities were organized and above the imagination of mere pastoral nomads. I do have always believed they are a step above the tribal and more feudal. One of my close friends is Mongolian history buff and I often bounce ideas with him back and forth. He was sure to point out that Chinggis himself was well aware of both the importance of his lineage and the feudal aspects of it. Furthermore Khitans etc had great amount of leverage for their nobility and they had great inputs on electing new leaders.

A lot of blood- oriented politics are involved in the steppes and one ought not to dismiss their own Game of Thrones level of feudal politics.
kol said…
Yeah, I fundamentally agree with you with that
Walao said…
I'm sorry for getting off-topic but can you please tell me if these symbols are based on?

https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh0ClwbeywohxQ6Y7D_vpenUbgN4lP6Wq1x5aUKxuT3Uci3sC1tUGoCdXQuaDFFZmQAz02Rl7JuzhTlKF-CRqGtTecDfHVKyHDn-PMQF7wb7WRQ8pB37uOj1xpiiNObFgoiD2aY2Hsk1O_PFL3-b67LRANr0YRF3nAz3gfg8Jx7tRwKhC34eODEt_uW6ikg/s3144/The%20SIX.jpg

Are they based on tomb engravings? I see them all the time, especially the dragon but I have no idea if they are ancient or modern styles.
Dragon's Armory said…
@Walao

They are very common motifs found on roof tiles- but also other daily objects like ornamentations. For example on drums, banners, jadeworks etc.

Culturally Chu favored tiger and Phoenix while Zhou cultures of Central Plains generally favored the dragon. What's more, before the Spring and Autumn period and Warring States during the Shang and earlier periods the earlier people favored very stylized half beast motifs etc.

https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgfLxTo05FDMA-qQn3mfiim8XeRKyxIrjyjNVXK3eyTY9m8Jk1aEP9lZaUimnDquhca3UHC8WGnPBmXKueRcknSHgDSFr5_iwBuk5MIPXmuiPtLSTfCJwUMeBuSaAZcu5_FcoJ44qmbZuw_eXxheRmPxouVdK9f6rg96p_JVMZFDLBO2I3v5ytUYHivTw/s769/Taotie.jpg

Walao said…
I know what they are. What I really want to know about is are they based on actual contemporary art like tomb reliefs. Because I keep bumping into that style, especially that dragon with a big circle on its back, standing with one of its arm raised.
Walao said…
@koi

The Jiankang Empire is a lousy book. I would even classify it as pseudohistory. Its author belongs to what I would call the "interrogating 'chineseness'" school. They constantly question the existence of a "chinese" history, state, nation, culture or identity. Some go as far as denying them altogether. But they seemingly never do so with neighbouring peoples that have interacted with "China". One of their favourite straw man is the Tang. For example, they would often speak of turks as a fixed culture or identity while constantly denying the Tang of any chinese heritage. Their agenda is very transparent.

If you're interested by a very thorough takedown, read this review - https://www.cuhk.edu.hk/ics/journal/articles/v74p191.pdf
Walao said…
Admin, can you please delete my duplicate comment? I didn't realised comments are moderated before they're posted.
Dragon's Armory said…
@Walao

Sure. Context: most comments are not gated, it's automated. If Blogger detected something that it finds suspicious or might be overtly deemed as contentious it will gate it for me. For future reference.

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